| "Building a Cooperative Mechanism for Asia-Pacific Democracy"
Statement prepared for the "Asia-Pacific Democratic Cooperation Forum" August 27, 2002
Bi-khim Hsiao
Member of Parliament
Director of International Affairs, the Democratic Progressive Party
In this diverse Asia-Pacific region, levels of democratization could be put into three general categories: mature/stable democracies (US, Japan, Australia, etc.), emerging/fragile democracies (Taiwan, Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, etc.), and undemocratic entities (China, Burma, etc.). In my view, the goals of developing cooperative mechanisms for Asia-Pacific democracy are in: 1) Strengthening the developing and fragile democracies so that they make the transition into the category of mature/stable democracies; and 2) Democratizing the undemocratic countries. Indicators of the level of democratization involve the presence of constitutional and institutional structures of ensuring democratic transitions, and the internalization of values among the populace to the extent that democratic practices become accepted norm and tradition.
Agents forming cooperative mechanisms: The state, political parties, and civil society
1. The state The state is the most powerful mechanism for affecting international projects. However, while expectations remain high, in reality states as international actors have not effectively furthered the cause of democratization, particularly in Asia. The most notable inter-state institution in our region, ASEAN, maintains a non-interference philosophy which makes it very difficult for states to interact on domestic political matters, particularly on democracy. Other forums such as APEC focus on economic and to a lesser extent, social issues, while steering clear of political matters. Furthermore, the history of this region makes interference by democratic governments in the domestic political affairs of democratizing and undemocratic countries a sensitive matter, sometimes even achieving a negative effect of soliciting nationalistic reactions.
On the whole, while some governments have sought to directly exert their influence to bring about democratization in other countries, we have not seen any obvious success stories of this particular mechanism. Instead, states have been more effective as providers of resources, instead of agents themselves. This has been the logic behind many Western state-funded democracy foundations that are active in this region. The fact that such foundations are somewhat independent of states is what allows them to function in countries which would otherwise resist foreign assistance in their democratization process.
2. Political parties
Parties are fundamental units for domestic political activity. The existence of two or more active political parties signifies the presence of an institutional structure that would bring about and sustain democracy. If one is to accept this argument that party politics are a necessity in a democratic society, then one must also take a step further to explore how parties can act as agents cooperating on an international level. While parties are rarely rejected as important vehicles for domestic politics, I believe that thus far parties have been undervalued as a mechanism for international cooperation in promoting democracy. Utilizing political parties as agents of international cooperation for democracy, we can sidestep the traditional obstacles surrounding the involvement of states in domestic political matters of other countries.
I would like to cite the example of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats, an organization of regional political parties which are ideologically oriented toward liberalism and democracy. Even though member parties function in different cultural and political contexts, they face common daily challenges such as fund-raising and running election campaigns. Long-term common areas of interest such as good governance and the rule of law I will elaborate e in the following section.
By nature, parties in a domestic context are mutually competitive and are unlikely to cooperate without formal coalitions. But on the international level, unless there is a fundamental conflict of national interest, generally parties have much to gain by developing strategies in a cooperative way. Essentially, placing parties as agents for cooperation serves dual purposes: promoting democracy internationally, and bringing in international experiences to strengthen a party's domestic position, thus furthering a multi-party system of democracy.
3. Civil Society. Organized civil society, or non-governmental organizations, is essential to a democratic polity. Like political parties, NGO's generally benefit from greater international involvement, particularly on issue matters that transcend national boundaries. At the same time, the international cooperation that serves to strengthen an NGO also contributes to the creation of a vibrant civil society, an essential element of a democracy.
Areas of cooperation
There are many areas in which the mechanisms suggested above, once set up, should function to further democracy in this region. The following is a brief outline of some areas I consider priority:
1. Strengthening political parties In many Asian countries, clan/family politics or individual personality-oriented politics often take precedence over issue-oriented policy debate. For some countries, such phenomena are remnants of feudal histories, and for others, they reflect a failure to establish strong political parties that are identified by policy agenda. I believe that for a democracy to mature, policy debate instead of clan relations should define political power competition. For now, I also believe that political parties are the best means of organizing power to present the policy for debate in a democracy. Therefore we must build mechanisms that would enable political parties to act as agents for international democratization, or in other words, the mechanism should be "for the parties and by the parties."
Specifically, there is a common need among undemocratic and democratizing Asian countries to promote democracy within the parties. This involves internal democracy in the means of leadership selection, candidate selection, and policy-making. I am proud to say that the DPP (Taiwan) has been relatively strong on this point. It is the internal democracy and channels for voicing plural views that has kept the party strong and united despite contentious internal debate and competition. Such internal democracy has also enabled the involvement and training of younger generations, providing the party with sustained and active political leadership. Furthermore, political parties from different countries can cooperate to develop strategies on creating suitable electoral systems; appropriate means of raising and distributing political funds and resources; coping with and/or utilizing the media - all these areas serving to strengthen the party's internal position.
2. Good governance
Countries in democratic transition will necessarily at some point experience the process of change in the governing party. For some of the newly emerging administrations, especially those originating as opposition movements, good governance has been a serious challenge. I have characterized countries still in transition as fragile democracies, for those governments are especially vulnerable to domestic political disturbances and, in some cases, challenges to their national security. At the same time, corruption and transparency issues also present challenges. Furthermore, governments are operating in a global environment of economic uncertainties. Coping with such challenges while avoiding a reversal of the democratization process require good governance. Good governance can either come with experience or by the assistance of others who have been successful. Greater international cooperation, especially among new governments, on the general area of good governance, is needed.
3. Constitutionalism and the rule of law
In the same context that good governance is needed as an area of cooperation, nothing is more fundamental to the strengthening of institutions of democracy than constitutionalism and the rule of law. To date, there is no proven ideal model of a constitution, for it involves designing structures that would enable the unique characters of each society to be expressed in a democratic way. Though typically, some basic human rights and civil liberty issues are involved. Structural issues include the design of electoral systems and government architecture. On the implementation side, the independence of the judiciary and just execution of legal codes are often cited among Asian societies as problematic. Obviously, many countries in this region, including Taiwan, are still struggling with constitutional and rule-of-law issues, warranting greater cooperation.
Taiwan's role
The international isolation which the PRC has brought upon Taiwan has compelled us to continually develop new mechanisms and areas of international cooperation. Taiwan's democratization experience in overcoming authoritarian rule is deemed a great asset as well as comparative advantage vis-a-vis China. Although Taiwan still faces challenges common among developing democracies, many Taiwanese believe that Taiwan should play a more aggressive role in regional cooperation for democracy.
Among the agents that form the mechanisms for cooperation, Taiwan has sought to further maximize the opportunities that the international engagement of political parties and civil society might create. To this end, the proposal of establishing a democracy foundation will be key to mobilizing the necessary resources. President Chen Shui-bian, during his transit through New York last May, publicly announced his intention to establish such a foundation, and hopefully with the support of the Legislature, an initial budget can be created for the next fiscal year. Such a foundation should help to support our international cooperation in at least the three priority areas suggested above.
Through the parties and NGO's, besides establishing a regular network of cooperation with other partners in the Asia-Pacific region, Taiwan is uniquely positioned to have an influence over the democratization of China. The advances and progress Taiwan has made in political democratization, coupled with the tools of similar language and culture, will enable Taiwan to establish herself as a partner for other countries and peoples eager to realize democracy in China. Given the political situation across the Taiwan Strait, this is an opportunity which, if wisely utilized, will also work to Taiwan's own advantage. |
